December 14, 2008
FAIR GAME
Blank Check for Banks, Pink Slips for Detroit
HERE in Bailout Nation, you’ll be surprised to
learn, some of us are more equal than others.
Witness the Congressional back of the hand delivered
last Thursday to Detroit automakers.
Chrysler and
General Motors were asking for
$14 billion to see them through the end of the year; the Senate said no.
Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, who leads the Senate Republicans, opposed
the rescue. “None of us want to see them go down, but very few of us had
anything to do with the dilemma that they have created for themselves,” he
said. “We simply cannot ask the American taxpayer to subsidize failure.”
That’s a new concept — not asking the taxpayer to
subsidize failure. Is that not what we just did with the banks, to the tune
of $700 billion, 50 times what the beleaguered carmakers asked for?
Moreover, in the bank rescue, taxpayers are
subsidizing not only failure but also outright recklessness and greed. In
spite of the fact that financial institutions drove the nation into the
economic ditch, and even though “very few of us had anything to do with the
dilemma that they have created for themselves,” the financial industry
received billions, with few strings attached.
Complaints about bailing out high-earning
autoworkers are another fascinating disconnect. The supposedly exorbitant
autoworker wages that get everybody so riled up pale in comparison with the
riches of Wall Street.
Neither were the banks required, as Detroit would
have been, to get rid of their private jets or supply Treasury with in-depth
restructuring plans in exchange for bailout funds.
This is not to argue that handing money over to
troubled carmakers is a good idea or without peril. (On Friday, Treasury
said it would move to prevent carmaker failures until Congress reconvenes
and deals with the mess.)
Rather it is to remind everyone the degree to which
the banks have been blessed with a no-questions-asked bailout that will
almost certainly generate tremendous taxpayer losses down the road.
YES, of course, banks are different from you and me
and Chrysler and
G.M. Because lending makes the world go ’round, banks need to be healthy
and well-capitalized.
But the Troubled Asset Relief Program is open to
banks that are both well and sickly. And nobody overseeing the program seems
eager to ensure that its funds go only to those institutions that will
survive and be able to pay back the taxpayer.
“Why is it that each of the carmakers needed a
specific plan in hand to share in $14 billion while most of the banks only
needed a large hat in hand to share $700 billion?” asked Brian Foley, a
compensation consultant in White Plains. “I don’t have a sense of
transparency, that there are visible accountability criteria being applied
to TARP. If banks want to tidy up their balance sheets, they can go right
ahead.”
As of Dec. 5, Treasury had allocated a total of $335
billion to TARP and disbursed $195 billion to institutions under its various
parts.
Testifying before Congress last Wednesday,
Neel Kashkari, the youthful former
Goldman Sachs executive whom the Treasury Department has charged with
overseeing “financial stability,” defended the $700 billion federal triage
package intended to get our banks lending again.
The plan’s achievements so far, according to Mr.
Kashkari: “First, we did not allow the financial system to collapse. That is
the most direct important information. Second, the system is fundamentally
more stable than it was.”
Maybe so. But an audit of the Troubled Asset Relief
Program, released last week by the
Government Accountability Office, suggests that the program’s holes are
many.
For example, the G.A.O. said, Treasury has no way to
determine if the program is achieving its goals of increased lending by
banks. There also seems to be no monitoring of the banks’ compliance with
TARP limits on
executive compensation, the G.A.O. added.
Treasury should take nine actions to ensure the
integrity of the TARP, according to the G.A.O. Many relate to keeping its
operations transparent, managing conflicts of interest and hiring enough
staff members to ensure that the program’s goals are met.
While these recommendations all have merit, there is
one important item missing from the TARP to-do list: Hire tough-minded bank
analysts to help determine which institutions are best positioned to use
TARP funds in a way that will benefit their shareholders and the taxpayers
at the same time.
Such a team could help prevent Treasury from
throwing good money after bad.
According to the G.A.O., as of Nov. 21, about 48
employees were assigned to TARP. Only five are permanent staffers; the rest
come from other Treasury offices, federal agencies, and organizations
providing temporary help.
What is needed is a small army of TARP analysts — a
lot of former bankers are out of work, by the way — to conduct a worst-case
analysis of the banks’ assets and capital cushion. In private equity
circles, this is called a “burndown analysis.”
Such an assessment typically involves extremely
harsh loss estimates for every loan category in Year 1 and
higher-than-average loss estimates for loans in Years 2 and 3, the
elimination of dividend payments, and a valuation of the bank’s prospects
based primarily on its deposits — not its loan portfolio.
The essential questions are these: What are the
bank’s assets really worth, how much can it earn and how much capital would
the bank need to operate profitably?
Bankers will object, of course. They want to keep
their rosy scenarios intact for as long as they can. But such a see-no-evil
approach has been central to the slow-motion nature of this train wreck. Now
that the government is dispensing dollars, it is time for misplaced optimism
over asset values to disappear.
Private investors looking to put money into
beleaguered banks are running precisely these types of analyses. Why
shouldn’t the officials who have opened the taxpayer spigot for the banks do
the same?
A version of this article
appeared in print on December 14, 2008, on page BU1 of the New York edition.
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