July 11, 2011 9:28 pm
Baby steps
won’t fix US governance
By Andrew Hill
Recent progress in shareholder
democracy is bound to come up, when the
US Senate banking
committee meets on Tuesday to assess how investor protection has
improved since the financial crisis.
At this year’s annual
meetings, investors have used new “say on pay” rules – fruit of the year-old
Dodd-Frank financial reform legislation – to
protest against
executive remuneration. They rejected pay packages outright at
Hewlett-Packard,
for example. Others, including
General Electric,
enhanced disclosure or
tightened incentive conditions in advance, under investor
pressure. Companies and their owners are opening up to each other, in what
looks like a break with the US’s long adversarial tradition in shareholder
relations.
But these are baby steps.
Resistance to more active oversight of executives still starts at the top.
In his 2007 book The Age of
Turbulence, after examining the Enron and WorldCom scandals, Alan
Greenspan wrote that “given the shareholder-management divide, the
autocratic-CEO paradigm appears to be the only arrangement that allows for
the effective functioning of the corporation”. The former Federal Reserve
chairman’s reputation has taken a ferocious battering, but his blithe
pre-crisis assumptions about the danger dissident directors and shareholders
pose to a coherent corporate strategy live on.
Consider, first, just how weak
the proposals spawned by the Dodd-Frank reforms really are. The legislation
cleared the way both for “say on pay” and for another Securities and
Exchange Commission rule on “proxy access” that would allow investors to add
their own nominations for director to the annual proxy statement sent to all
shareholders. But the pay votes are non-binding, meaning companies can, and
do, ignore them. The proxy access rule can only be used by shareholders who
have owned collectively 3 per cent of a company for at least three years.
Based on
Bank of America’s
current market capitalisation, investors would have to hold more than $3bn
of securities before they could effectively canvas the remaining 97 per cent
of investors – who, remember, would still be free to vote against a slate of
candidates consisting of, say, Karl Marx, Gandhi and Jimmy Hoffa.
Corporate America still
reacted with horror. The US Chamber of Commerce said the rule would give
special-interest groups “significant
leverage over a business’s activities”, “handcuff directors and
boards”, infringe states’ rights and “undermine a company’s ability to grow
and create jobs”. The chamber and the Business Roundtable, which lobbies for
US chief executives, have sued the SEC, leaving the rule in legal limbo.
Despite entrenched corporate
suspicion, governance in the US has edged forward over the past quarter of a
century. Headhunter Spencer Stuart, which published its 25th annual Board
Index last year, said its analysis of S&P 500 companies’ proxy statements
showed the
ratio of independent to
non-independent directors had increased from three-to-one to
five-to-one over that period. The proportion of boards that elect directors
to one-year terms has risen to nearly three-quarters, and 71 per cent of
boards now expect directors who don’t get a majority vote to offer their
resignation.
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Given the obstacles to
sustaining best practice in governance and shareholder engagement, this
sounds positive. The US is a huge country with a fragmented shareholder
base. Further, as the suit against proxy access shows, the temptation for
both sides to revert to the courts when investor relations go bad is
deep-seated. Even the more open “say on pay” talks are mediated through
companies’ general counsel.
But it is still extraordinary
that corporate America shuns basic governance necessities, now commonplace
in Britain and other markets. Some will argue that shareholder democracy and
rigorous board oversight – whether applied with a US or a UK twist – failed
to prevent tragic mis-steps by Lehman Brothers or
Royal Bank of
Scotland in the last crisis. But if the US again places its
trust in the autocratic instincts of a new generation of corporate leaders,
it will lay the foundation for the next one. Look again at that Spencer
Stuart figure on majority voting and turn it round: 29 per cent of US boards
still let unpopular directors tough it out, even after being rejected by the
owners they serve. Some democracy; some progress.
andrew.hill@ft.com
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