2011 Annual Corporate Governance Review
The past decade has been a
whirlwind for corporate governance in America. Since 2001, we have
witnessed a myriad of scandals, epic corporate failures and legislative
and regulatory attempts to prevent more of the same. Early on it was the
failure of firms such as Enron, WorldCom and Global Crossing. More
recently, the failure of financial stalwarts like Lehman Brothers, Bear
Stearns and AIG nearly pushed our markets to the brink of collapse. These
failures have ushered in a new era of shareholder activism and corporate
governance initiatives, including extensive legislative reform efforts and
new rules by the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), the New York
Stock Exchange (NYSE) and the Financial Industry Regulatory Authority (FINRA).
While many of the
proxy-related reforms have focused on enhanced disclosure requirements
(the SEC has approved expansive new rules around director experience and
qualifications, board leadership structure, board risk oversight
responsibilities and Compensation Disclosure and Analysis (CD&A)
disclosure), new regulations have been put in place that fundamentally
shift what issues are considered by shareholder at annual meetings in the
United States.
The Arrival of
Widespread Say-on-Pay Votes in U.S.
The most recent and,
arguably, highest-profile change came when President Obama signed into law
the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act
(“Dodd-Frank” or the “Act”). Although Dodd-Frank was enacted largely to
provide greater governmental oversight for the U.S. financial services
industry, the Act went beyond bank reform and imposed substantial new
requirements on publicly-traded companies, particularly in the area of
executive compensation. More specifically, Dodd-Frank mandated that
publicly traded companies include an advisory (non-binding) resolution on
their ballots to approve executive compensation, known as “say-on-pay.”
The new rule created a high
level of angst for members of the corporate community, many of whom feared
that institutions would be susceptible to “knee-jerk” reactions against
high executive compensation in the initial say-on-pay votes. However,
these fears turned out to be unfounded because, as the voting results from
the 2011 proxy season indicate, the vast majority of companies emerged
unscathed. Of the 1,200-plus companies in our tracking range (Georgeson
tracks companies in the S&P 1500 Composite Index that hold their annual
meeting in the first six months of the calendar year), only 25 (or 2
percent) received less than a majority of votes cast in favor of their
say-on-pay resolution (and in the greater community, only 41 had “failed”
resolutions). [1]
Moreover, and likely much to
the relief of companies, the resolution appears to have had the positive
impact of lowering the level of withhold/against votes in director
elections, particularly against compensation committee members. In 2010,
Georgeson tracked 748 directors who received at least 15 percent of votes
cast withhold/against, including 317 directors who sat on the compensation
committee of their boards. This year, the total number of directors who
received greater than 15 percent withhold/against votes fell to 549 (a
decrease of 27 percent from 2010 and 47 percent over the past two years),
and the number of directors sitting on the compensation committee fell to
only 271, a decrease of 37 percent from 2010.
Strong voting results on
say-on-pay and improved figures relating to the election of directors are
largely attributable to two factors. First, many companies chose to
enhance their CD&A disclosure and provided shareholders with a clearer
understanding of their compensation philosophy, their current compensation
practices and the metrics that were used to make their compensation
decisions. Second, more companies engaged in dialogue with their largest
shareholders, either prior to or at the outset of proxy season to gain a
clearer understanding of the factors their shareholders use to evaluate
executive compensation issues. Similarly, Georgeson found that companies
were more willing to engage with their largest holders in the face of a
negative recommendation from one of the major proxy advisory firms on key
proxy issues like say-on-pay, particularly if the companies believed the
advisory report was incomplete or inaccurate. For example, one common
topic for discussion on say-on-pay vote recommendations related to the
peer groups used by the proxy advisory firms in their benchmarking of
relative pay, which often differed considerably from what companies had
used in their proxy disclosure. This proved to be a useful point of
engagement, because many of the larger institutional investors disclosed
that they did not rely heavily on proxy advisory peer group analyses and
that they would factor the company’s viewpoint into their analyses. Others
questioned certain advisory firms’ narrow focus on total shareholder
return as the sole measure of company performance.
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Georgeson’s findings of a
sizable increase in shareholder engagement are consistent with other
reports within the industry, including a study by the Investor
Responsibility Research Center Institute on the state of engagement
between U.S. corporations and shareholders, which stated that “engagement
between issuers and investors is common and increasing both in terms of
frequency and subject areas.”
[2] Georgeson
believes that a strong dialogue between companies and their shareholders
is essential, and we encourage companies to try and engage on a more
frequent basis. In so doing, Georgeson believes that issuers can minimize
the possibility of failed director elections, say-on-pay votes and other
potential surprises.
Say-When-on-Pay Votes
Yield Consistent Results
As for the related issue of
“say-when-on-pay” (or “say-on-frequency”) to determine the frequency of
the say-on-pay vote, a majority of companies saw the early writing on the
wall and proposed annual votes on executive compensation (our research
shows that 66 percent of companies in the S&P 500 and 60 percent of
companies in the S&P 1500 recommended that shareholders adopt an annual
approach). With most institutional investors supporting annual votes on
executive compensation (there were a handful of larger institutions
supporting triennial votes), it came as no surprise that over 90 percent
of meetings for S&P 1500 and nearly 95 percent of meetings for S&P 500
companies had the annual option receiving at least a plurality of votes
cast in favor. Moreover, Georgeson’s research has shown that the minority
of companies that had their shareholders support an alternative option
typically had a special circumstance working in favor of that option. The
special circumstance varied by company but often included (i) a large
inside position; (ii) a dual-class voting structure with one class
(usually controlled) having supermajority voting rights; (iii) a top-heavy
institutional profile with one or more of the larger holders supporting
the triennial approach; or (iv) a large retail component that either
followed management or didn’t vote at all.
It is worth noting that the
say-on-frequency resolution is required to be submitted to shareholders
only once every six years, although companies may choose to submit the
resolution more often. Some clients have asked us if support for a longer
period between votes could increase in the future, particularly as
investors become more comfortable with assessing a particular company’s
compensation practices. While there may be some merit to that argument, we
believe shareholders will continue to opt for annual say-on-pay votes.
Governance-Related
Shareholder Proposals Take a Back Seat
The number of
governance-related shareholder proposals has steadily declined over the
past few years and continued to do the same this year. In fact, the number
of governance-related proposals either submitted or voted on fell to the
lowest levels since the pre-Enron era. The number of shareholder proposals
submitted to companies fell to 417 resolutions, a decline of over 21
percent from 2010. The number of resolutions that came to a shareholder
vote fell to just 240, a decline of nearly 30 percent from 2010. The
substantial decline in resolutions submitted and voted on did not come as
a surprise because Dodd-Frank addressed many of the activists’
compensation-related concerns. These included: (i) requests for mandatory
say-on-pay requirements (53 resolutions voted on in 2010), (ii) advisory
votes on golden parachutes (a popular resolution over the past decade and
three resolutions voted on in 2010), and (iii) mandatory clawback
provisions (three resolutions voted on in 2010).
While Dodd-Frank was
certainly a contributing factor to the overall decline in shareholder
resolutions, it is not the only factor. As the level of engagement between
companies and shareholders has increased considerably over the past few
years, companies have shown an increased willingness to make changes to
their governance practices. In addition, according to recent statistics,
the number of companies with anti-takeover provisions, a common subject
for shareholder resolutions, has continued to fall: the percentage of S&P
500 companies with classified boards dropped to 25 percent,
[3] and poison
pills fell to 11 percent.
[4] At the same
time, the percentage of S&P 500 companies that have formally adopted
majority voting in uncontested director elections has risen to 77 percent
[5] (up from 66
percent in 2007).
[6] The percentage of companies providing shareholders with the right
to call a special meeting is up to 51
[7] (up from 34
percent in 2006).
[8] The percentage of companies that allow shareholders to act by
written consent is up to 28
[9] (up from 15
percent in 2008).
[10]
Among the resolutions that
appeared on proxy ballots, board-related resolutions were the most popular
this season, accounting for over 25 percent of the governance proposals
voted on. Majority voting resolutions, considered by activists to be the
“missing link” in Dodd-Frank, accounted for exactly half of the
board-related resolutions, with 31 proposals going to shareholder vote.
Overall support for majority voting shareholder proposals marginally
increased from 2010, averaging approximately 57 percent of votes cast in
favor, up 1 percent from 2010. One point worth noting is the growing
disparity in the results of majority vote proposals between those
companies that have chosen to retain a “pure plurality” voting standard
and those that have adopted what is called a “plurality plus” standard
(whereby the company formally retains a plurality voting standard but
implements a board policy stating that any director who receives more
votes withheld than in favor would be required to submit his or her
resignation to the board, subject to the board’s final decision as to
whether to accept the resignation). In 2007, support for majority voting
shareholder proposals at companies that had a pure plurality voting
standard averaged 57 percent of votes cast, with four of the eight
resolutions receiving greater than a majority of votes cast. In 2011, that
grew to 69 percent of votes cast with 14 of the 15 resolutions receiving
greater than a majority of votes cast in favor. These results stand in
stark contrast to those outcomes for companies that had implemented a
plurality plus voting standard, where the average level of shareholder
support has largely remained the same over the past five years. In fact,
over the past five years the average level of support has dropped one
percentage point, from 45 percent in 2007 to 44 percent this year.
Investor Support for
Special Meetings and Written Consent Declines
Proposals seeking to provide
shareholders with the right to call special meetings or act by written
consent continued to be popular among activists again this year with 61
resolutions (29 special meeting resolutions and 32 written consent
resolutions) going to a shareholder vote. However, shareholder support for
these items declined for the first time since they were introduced. For
special meetings, the 29 resolutions that were submitted to a vote of
shareholders averaged 40 percent of votes cast in favor, a decline of two
percent from 2010. Support for written consent resolutions fell six
percent, from an average of 54 percent of votes cast in favor in 2010 to
just 48 percent in 2011.
Both of these types of
resolutions are recent additions to the annual meeting landscape (special
meeting proposals started to appear as a Rule 14a-8 resolution in 2007 and
written consent in 2010), and voting results for newer resolutions often
experience periods of fluctuation before investors fully develop their
policies. However, corporations being proactive in responding to
shareholder concerns actually accounts for the variance. According to
Georgeson’s research, 21 of the 29 companies that were subject to the
special meeting resolution already provided shareholders with the right to
call a special meeting. Nearly a majority of targeted companies had an
established threshold of 25 percent to call a special meeting (13 of the
29), but a few had even lower standards, including four that had a 20
percent threshold and two for a 15 percent threshold. Similar numbers
appeared with written consent resolutions, with 26 of the 32 companies
targeted having special meeting provisions in place, including 12 with a
25 percent threshold, six with a 20 percent threshold, three with a 15
percent threshold and four with a 10 percent threshold. There was also one
company who provided shareholders with the right to call a special meeting
at a threshold higher than 25 percent.
Another contributing factor
was ISS, one of the leading proxy advisory firms, and its new policy on
shareholder proposals regarding shareholders’ right to act by written
consent. In 2010, ISS recommended in favor of written consent resolutions
without looking into other pro-shareholder governance practices that a
company may have implemented to address the underlying concern of the
potential for entrenched management and shareholders’ ability to act
outside of the annual meeting process. However, after some companies and
shareholders expressed concerns about the negative consequences of
adopting written consent (particularly the potential for disenfranchising
minority stockholders), ISS adopted a case-by-case approach that takes a
handful of other factors into account. The new policy allows ISS to
recommend against a resolution if companies have: (i) a formal majority
voting standard in uncontested director elections, (ii) an absence of a
poison pill or shareholder-approved poison pill, (iii) an annually-elected
board, and (iv) an “unfettered” right to call a special meeting with no
greater than a 10 percent threshold.
While a similar policy was
not enacted for special meeting resolutions, it is worth noting that ISS
took a more lenient stance in at least one case where the company had made
a number of pro-shareholder changes to its governance profile and already
had a 15 percent threshold to call a special meeting. Glass Lewis, another
prominent proxy advisory firm, has a similar — albeit slightly more
pro-shareholder — stance when evaluating these shareholder proposals. It
takes into account the following factors (among others): (i) company size,
(ii) company performance, (iii) shareholder structure, (iv) the existence
of other anti-takeover provisions, (v) the opportunity for shareholder
action outside of the annual meeting cycle, and (vi) board responsiveness
to previous shareholder proposals.
With shareholder sentiment on
these issues clearly in a state of flux, companies are urged to remain
vigilant of the trends. The special meeting proposals being submitted ask
companies to adopt the measure with a 10 percent meeting threshold. Yet,
the results we have seen show that a majority of investors, while
generally supportive of the right, will not automatically vote for the
resolution if the company has already addressed the issue. Shareholders
have even been receptive to the inclusion of other provisions, such as
minimum holding periods, in the rule. Thus, companies are encouraged to
assess their own shareholder base, engage with holders and respond to
concerns as necessary.
Some Social
Resolutions Pushing the Governance Agenda
Although Georgeson focuses
its Review on governance resolutions, we occasionally focus on “hot
button” issues outside the governance realm to the extent that these
issues put pressure on boards to respond quickly to a growing activist
issue. One of these issues relates to political contributions disclosure.
Shareholder activists have focused on political contributions as a
governance issue by questioning the appropriate use of corporate assets.
Proponents of these resolutions, which include major labor unions and
pension funds, believe that companies should provide greater transparency
and accountability in their spending on and policies concerning political
activities. While some companies have implemented policies to disclose
contributions made directly to individual candidates, proponents say these
policies are incomplete. They argue that policies should be expanded to
include “direct and indirect political contributions to candidates,
political parties, political organizations or ballot referendums;
independent expenditures; or electioneering communications on behalf of a
federal, state or local candidate.”
[11]
The notion of providing
detailed reports on political expenditures has received increased
attention, principally as a result of the Supreme Court’s decision in
Citizens United vs. Federal Election Commission (2010), which lifted
restrictions on political spending by corporations and now allows
corporations more latitude to donate indirectly in support of or against
certain candidates. As a result, average support for the 40 resolutions we
tracked that ask for companies to “Report on Policies and Procedures
Contributions” (there are several different types of political
contribution resolutions) was just over 26 percent of votes cast
(relatively high for a social-based resolution), including a few that
received greater than 40 percent of votes.
With the next U.S.
Presidential election less than one year away, Georgeson believes that the
issue of corporate political contributions will continue to grow. There
are groups, including the Center for Political Accountability, that rate
companies according to their policies and reporting transparency, and have
gone so far as to draft model shareholder resolutions for shareholder
activists to use. Furthermore, Georgeson expects the next round of popular
resolutions to be similar to those that were submitted by the American
Federation of State, County & Municipal Employees (AFSCME). The AFSCME
resolutions go beyond contributions to political candidates and address
contributions made to trade associations and grassroots organizations that
indirectly influence political outcomes. Although activists’ efforts will
likely focus on large cap companies, Georgeson encourages all companies to
assess their vulnerability to these proposals, based on their current
policies and levels of disclosure, particularly in comparison to their
industry peer companies.
The Road Ahead
Undoubtedly, the growing
pains of having to deal with say-on-pay in the 2011 proxy season were
challenging for companies and investors alike. While some institutional
investors went to great lengths to develop detailed policies on
say-on-pay, many others had not fully developed specific guidelines on how
to assess overall compensation and translate it into a vote. Even among
those that have created detailed guidelines, we found that the particular
areas of focus differed (some institutional investors expressed a greater
interest in disclosure and looked to understand a company’s compensation
philosophy while others reviewed a company’s performance and overall
levels of compensation). Also, some of the post-season feedback from
institutional investors indicates that their governance policies are not
yet fully settled and could result in more say-on-pay against votes in
2012. With a high level of uncertainty for the upcoming season, it is
important for companies to engage their largest investors early, to
understand their investors’ approach to evaluating compensation and to
make changes as they deem appropriate.
From a shareholder proposal
standpoint, Georgeson expects the number of proposals submitted to
increase in 2012 for several reasons. To begin with, as a result of the
U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia decision in July to
vacate the SEC’s “proxy access” rule (Rule 14a-11 of the Exchange Act of
1934), which would have required public companies to include shareholder
nominees for director in company proxy materials, we expect activists to
focus on “private ordering” (seeking proxy access on a company-by-company
basis, through the submission of Rule 14a-8 resolutions). It is not yet
clear how prevalent such resolutions will be or which companies will be
targeted. We believe activists will focus on the weakest performers that
lack many of the “best practices” in corporate governance advocated by the
activists. We expect that the coming resolutions will focus on the key
elements of the vacated SEC rule which included minimum percentage of and
time periods for ownership.
In addition, Georgeson
expects to see an increase in proposals submitted by unions and pension
funds, which now have a new partner in the American Corporate Governance
Institute (ACGI). The ACGI, which describes itself as a “research and
advisory organization that seeks to contribute to improving corporate
governance and accountability in publicly traded companies,” is headed by
Lucian Bebchuk, a noted Harvard Law School Professor and long time
advocate of shareholder rights. This past season, the ACGI worked with the
Florida State Board of Administration (FSBA) and the Nathan Cummings
Foundation to help identify potential targets for shareholder activism and
assisted in the drafting of shareholder proposal and handling the
no-action process at the SEC. With the ACGI’s help, the FSBA and the
Nathan Cummings Foundation submitted 14 shareholder resolutions on
declassifying boards, with 10 appearing on corporate ballots and four
either withdrawn or omitted.
[12] We expect
that the ACGI will increase its efforts in the coming year, in both the
number of investor groups with which it works and potentially the types of
resolutions submitted.
The 2012 proxy season will be
no less challenging than the last. As always, the keys to coping with
increasing demands are knowing your shareholder base, engaging with its
members and maintaining the flexibility to change.
Endnotes
[1] ISS Corporate Services
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[2] Marc Goldstein, The State of Engagement
Between U.S. Corporation and Shareholders, Investor Responsibility
Research Center Institute (February 22, 2011).
(go back)
[3] FactSet SharkRepellent
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[4] Ibid.
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[5] Ibid.
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[6] Neal, Gerber & Eisenberg LLP (C. Allen),
Study of Majority Voting in Director Elections, (November 2007).
(go back)
[7] FactSet SharkRepellent
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[8] ISS Corporate Services
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[9] FactSet SharkRepellent
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[10] ISS Corporate Services
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[11] Caterpillar Inc. 2011 proxy statement.
www.sec.gov/Archives/edgar/data/18230/000001823011000247/def-14a_2011.htm.
(go back)
[12] Rosemary Lally, FSBA, Nathan Cummings
Target Large Cap Holdouts with Classified Boards, Council of
Institutional Investors: Council Governance Alert (April 21, 2011).
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