Curbing Excessive CEO Pay by Disentangling Wall Street and Corporate
America
Peter Drucker, the revered
management guru, deplored excessive CEO pay. He argued that CEOs should
not be paid more than 20 to 25 times the average salary of company
employees. While his approach is schematic, Drucker’s reasons for opposing
high executive compensation resonate today even more than during his
lifetime. Essentially, Drucker believed that the leadership, motivation
and teamwork needed for a successful business are undermined when the CEO
is overpaid. He maintained that business leaders should set an example of
responsibility, not privilege. He defined the CEO’s role in terms of
stewardship, not self-interest.
The financial crisis
certainly validated Drucker’s concerns. A Who’s-Who of respected global
business leaders have recently gone on record advocating changes in
executive compensation. The list includes Paul Volcker, Bill Gates, George
Soros, Warren Buffett, Jeff Immelt, Mervyn King — even Allen Greenspan.
Conspicuously absent from the
list have been the leaders of Wall Street, and herein lies an important
clue to what went wrong, what should be done and why the task is so
difficult.
A case can be made for
tracing the roots of both CEO pay abuses and the broader financial crisis
all the way back to 1976 and the decision to end fixed commissions on Wall
Street. That change triggered a chain of events that altered relations
between Wall Street and corporate America, ultimately damaging both.
In a nutshell: During the
1970s, ‘80s and ‘90s investment banking devolved from a relationship
business into one driven by transaction fees. Mutual trust between
companies and bankers gave way to arm’s-length dealings. Hostile takeovers
proliferated. Shareholder demographics changed. Relations between
companies and activist institutions became increasingly adversarial.
Independent sell-side analysts were displaced by captive research often in
service of deals and underwriting. A further cascade of negative
developments followed repeal of the Glass-Steagall Act in 1999:
deregulation, construction of financial oligarchies, IPOs of Wall Street
firms and stock exchanges, conflicted credit rating agencies, opaque
derivatives trading, distorted accounting – all contributed to the
now-familiar story of over-the-top executive pay, market volatility,
speculative bubbles, fraud, Ponzi schemes, the debt crisis and financial
system collapse.
One of the least-noted
effects of these systemic changes was to unleash Wall Street’s specialized
money culture and pay practices, which ultimately migrated to corporate
America, infecting businesses via their boardrooms and ratcheting up CEO
pay. The Enron Corp scandal showed us where the infusion of Wall Street
practices into corporate America can ultimately lead. With its board
asleep to the dangers, Enron decided to become a trading company and make
money the same way Wall Street does. In so doing, it earned fortunes for
its top executives while defrauding its employees, customers and
investors.
The lesson: What makes sense
for Wall Street can be problematic for corporate America. The converse is
also true: Governance and pay standards appropriate for public companies
don’t suit Wall Street’s high-risk, competitive environment. Recent
post-TARP concessions limiting top investment bankers’ salaries and
bonuses may represent a step toward best practice from a corporate
governance perspective, but surely they are only temporary. Before long,
competitive forces will compel investment banks to return to incentives
and pay levels that match private equity firms, hedge funds and other
private entities.
How can we bring rationality
back to executive compensation at America’s public companies (and, for
that matter, to Wall Street)? The answer ultimately depends on our ability
to tackle the bigger problem: How can we restructure the U.S. financial
system to disentangle Wall Street, corporate America and the federal
government?
As Congress continues to
grapple with these questions, here are five steps that should be
considered:
-
Wall
Street firms should voluntarily segregate speculation and proprietary
trading and convert these activities back into private ownership
structures, thereby reducing the risk exposure of long-term investors
and keeping investment bankers’ compensation out of the public record.
-
Too-big-to-fail financial institutions should be restructured or broken
up to reduce both systemic risk and moral hazard.
-
Congress should enact new legislation, building on the principles of
Glass-Steagall, to segregate commercial and investment banking and to
clarify fiduciary standards governing investment of long-term assets.
-
Regulatory and accounting reforms should compel both corporations and
financial intermediaries to increase transparency.
-
Corporate boards should strengthen oversight of risk management and
executive compensation and be fully accountable to shareholders.
These reforms would help
reign in corporate pay, take some of the pressure off Wall Street and
stabilize our financial system.
Even if these steps are
taken, the U.S. must also face up to its underlying cultural and
governance issues – the entitlement and celebrity status of CEOs, a
tradition of boardroom acquiescence, flawed governance of institutional
investors, truculence between companies and shareholders, pervasive
short-term focus in investment and business management.
The solution to these
long-term problems is not just a matter of legislation or public policy.
Corporate CEOs and boards of directors will have to take a leadership
role. As Peter Drucker might say, corporate America needs fewer overpaid
managers and more responsible stewards.
© 2010 The
President and Fellows of Harvard College |
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